Can there ever be a lasting peace in Northern Ireland? A legacy of hatred and fear persist in the six troubled counties of Ulster. It is a legacy which has averted, stalled, or destroyed any serious attempts at peaceful settlement for decades. Anglo-Irish relations remain tense, at best, and there appears to be no simple solution. The evolution of the European Community and a renewed emphasis on a unified Europe where each member nation's individuality is retained has tentatively signalled the end to of destructive nationalism. Yet, the Maastricht Treaty cannot easily erase nearly eight centuries of animosity between the Irish and British people. The issue of Northern Ireland is a complex web of violently contrasting idealogies. The only true path to peace involves a forum where all parties can come to the negotiating table. The Ulster question cannot be answered until all the views have been given consideration.
Historical Overview
The problems of Northern Ireland are deep seated political, military, economic, and social conflicts. The historical roots of the conflict stem from the English conquest of Ireland during the sixteenth century. The Tudors prosecuted a campaign of Anglicization across the six northernmost counties of the Ulster province.(Magee 30) The south of Ireland retained much of its tradition and custom, while the North adopted the ways, eventually including Protestantism, of the English conquerors. In an effort to secure their foothold on the island, the crown encouraged English settlement of the North. This wave of English and Scottish immigration slowly displaced the Irish farmers and forced them into poverty. (Magee 31) Centuries of turmoil ensued, as a long succession of native Irish Catholics revolts were summarily subdued by the insurmountable might of the British Army.
The Irish War of Independence of the 1920s brought about ultimate autonomy of the southern provinces and created the modern Republic of Ireland. (Foster 211) The predominantly protestant northern province of Ulster remained under Crown law. Relative peace followed, until the calm was shattered by a renewed Irish nationalist and civil rights movement in the late 1960s. Since 1969, sectarian violence has claimed the lives of some 4000 people, Catholics and Protestants, British and Irish alike. (Clarity)
The Actors
There are a myriad of different political groups involved in the turmoil in Northern Ireland. They involve both state and non-state actors. The non-state participants are, by far, the most numerous and can roughly be classified into three distinct categories: republicans, unionists, and nationalists. (Ecomonist 57) The republicans advocate a complete withdrawal of British influence from the northern counties and unification with the Republic of Ireland, while the unionists desire a strong British presence and continued membership in the Commonwealth. The nationalists, like the republicans, desire the end of British rule, but seek the creation of a more autonomous nation of Ulster, separate from the Republic. While not exclusive, allegiances tend to be defined by religion, as most republicans are Catholics, and most Unionists, Protestant. Predominantly representing Irish Catholics, Nationalist organizations often do not espouse either theological tradition, and choose, instead, to focus on the uniqueness of their northern culture. (Doumitt 23) Unchecked nationalism can be dangerous, as Irish republicanism is actually a radical faction of the nationalist political party.
The Irish Republican Army (IRA) is the most well known non-state actor in the conflict in Northern Ireland. The roots of the IRA can be traced to the Fenian Brotherhood of the mid 1800s, who sought a violent overthrow of the British occupation forces, and the creation of a single unified Irish Republic. (Magee 23) The IRA, in its modern form, began as a guerilla force fighting against British Army units in Ulster. Small bands would strike British bases by night, and withdraw to safety in the Republic. By 1969, such bold attacks were becoming far more dangerous for the poorly trained and equipped IRA soldiers.(Murray 32) The British government had developed and deployed special units to deal with the harassing attacks. The IRA turned to terrorism as their means to disrupt British day to day operations. Most IRA violence is directed toward British military personnel and political leaders, however, as with all terrorist campaigns, innocent civilians are killed.
The IRA has never held any widespread popular support. (Magee 23) The needless deaths of many Irishmen from misdirected IRA bombs has alienated many Catholics. The IRA receives most of its financial and logistical support from the United States and the Republic, not from the population of Ulster. (Holland 9) Rather, the organization has attempted to serve as a symbol of the struggle of Ireland against British aggression. The political wing of the IRA, Sinn Fein, "Ourselves Alone" (Keogh 230) in Irish, attempts to distance itself from the violence in order to garner more widespread support and raise money for the cause both at home and abroad. "The policy of Sinn Fein," submits Sean O'Faolain, a prominent member, "has always been, since its foundation, that simple formula, Freedom first; other things after." (Arthur 222) Gerry Adams, the current president of Sinn Fein, dismisses IRA terrorist bombings as "sadness," (Stevenson) but refuses to condemn the attacks.
In direct opposition to the IRA are the many unionist organizations, the most powerful of which is the Ulster Unionist Party (UUP). The UUP, led by David Trimble, vows to uphold the Ulster civilization against "barbaric natives." (O'Brien) "If the politicians fail," vowed a unionist,"it will be our duty to liquidate the enemy."(O'Brien) The UUP, and its sister organizations, the Apprentice Boys, the Fraternal Order of Orangemen, and the Protestant Vanguard Party, have been known to be as violent as the IRA. While they do not use terrorist tactics exclusively, these unionists have been credited with starting several riots in predominantly Catholic areas and causing many deaths and injuries across the North. Unionist financial support flows from mainly lower to middle class income families, who are proud of the English tradition and fear the terror of the IRA. Many protestants, while appalled by the violence, see the unionist groups as the only way of preserving their Anglican culture in Ireland. The UUP also receives some minimal support from covert pro-unionist sources across the Irish Channel.
The nationalist Socialist Democratic Labor Party (SDLP), was formed by former members of the Stormont government during the early 1970s in an attempt to ensure the rights of Catholics. (Keogh 226) The party has traditionally stressed greater Catholic involvement in the Ulster government, and has often been viewed as a more moderate force in Northern Irish politics. Led by John Hume, the SDLP has been a stabilizing factor in the recent peace negotiations and has recognized the need for concessions and compromise among the parties. (Economist 57)
The Peace Process
The past two decades have seen positive steps toward a peaceful solution to the Ulster question. Now brothers in the European Union, Great Britain and the Republic of Ireland have been forced to reconcile some their differences regarding the troubled province. On 15 November 1985, Irish Prime Minister Garret Fitzgerald and British Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher signed the Anglo-Irish Agreement. (Holland 254) This document recognized for the first time the fears of both republicans and unionists. London conceded that it should be a neutral participant in any Irish unification talks and the Republic should be a player, while Dublin addressed the rights of unionists to stay part of Great Britain. While no definite solution was agreed upon, each nation finally accepted that its was not the only idealogy.
The Anglo-Irish Agreement did little to curb the violence within Ulster. Marches continued, as they always had, and violence prevailed, as it always did. The IRA persisted in its terror campaign against the crown. Trained at secret Libyan and Syrian bases and bankrolled by American supporters, radical factions of the IRA had increased the number and intensity of their bombings across the United Kingdom. While the 1985 Agreement addressed the international issues of unification, it left the domestic participants' questions unresolved.
According to Peter Brooke, secretary of state for Northern Ireland, England has no further strategic interest in a divided Ireland and will work toward a framework of peace for all parties involved. (Keogh 228) Echoing and amplifying the sentiments of the 1985 agreement in his 1990 speech, Brooke advocated a forum for all parties to come to the negotiating tables in an effort to iron out their differences. The Anglo-Irish Joint Declaration attempt to create such a forum for the ultimate disarmament of Northern Ireland. The SDLP leader, John Hume cautiously praises the document:
The joint declaration is one of the most comprehensive declarations that has been made
about British-Irish relations in the past 70 years...the British-Irish quarrel of old, the
quarrel of sovereignty, has changed fundamentally in the evolution of the new
interdependent and post-nationalist Europe of which we are members, but the legacy of
the past is the deeply divided people of Ireland. (Arthur 220)
Hume's "legacy of the past" is precisely what has hampered the Joint Declaration peace forum for the past several years. The parties involved in the talks refuse to recognize the legitimacy of rival groups. The UUP will talk with the SDLP and the British Government, but not with the IRA, Sinn Fein, or the Republic. The SDLP, and the IRA say that they will negotiate with anyone. The Ulster Unionists, led by Ian Paisley, refuse to talk to anyone but the British government, as they believe that any talks would be "a sell-out to the IRA." (Economist 57) This sample is only a fraction of the groups involved in the peace process.
The unification question hinges on peace. The Irish and British governments have agreed that any forced unification would be detrimental to a lasting peace; Irish reunification can come only from a referendum to the general population of Ulster. (Keogh 231) The disagreement has come in the framework of the referendum. Should it be contingent on a simple majority, or should passage need some sort of supermajority of 66% or greater? Such questions are important, yet have little relevance when the parties involved will not even recognize each other, let alone meet at the peace table.
There are several severe impediments to peace. The most recent blow came as a result of the suspension of the IRA's 17 month cease-fire in February 1996. (Stevenson) The bombing of a building at Canary Wharf in London injured 33 civilians and splintered the peace process, once again. IRA spokespeople said that the bombing was in direct response to the demand by the British government that the IRA relinquish its weapons before it would be recognized as participant in the peace talks. The British "encouraged disarmament in the name of peace" among the other Irish factions, but it was not made a condition for entrance into the talks.
The United Kingdom and the Republic of Ireland stand in a precarious position. Partners in trade, the two nations are still divided by the problem of Northern Ireland. Irish Prime Minister John Bruton has denounced the IRA terrorism as "anti-Irish and contrary to the interests of all in Ireland." (Clarity) Yet, no serious efforts to contain have been made by to cease IRA support operations within the Republic. Likewise, the British government renewed a permit for the Order of Orangemen to march through predominantly Catholic districts in memory of past Protestant victories.(O'Brien) One Catholic was killed and several more were wounded in the riots that followed.
The United States has entered the Irish and British sponsored peace talks as a neutral arbitrator, led by former Senator George Mitchell. The United States is one of the United Kingdom's strongest allies. Boasting a population of over 60 million citizens of Irish heritage, the US is also the single largest contributor to Sinn Fein and the Irish Republican Army. Senator Mitchell has proposed a plan in which "disarmament timetables for all paramilitary groups would be worked out as talks proceed, with progress on other issues building the confidence needed to turn over the weapons." (NYT Editorial Desk)
There is no simple solution to the Ulster question. The memories of centuries of injustices spur on a continuing cycle of violence and retribution. All parties have committed atrocities in this war, and all parties are guilty of spilling the blood of their countrymen. The Lord Mayor of Cork, Terence McSwiney, said in 1920 of the Anglo-Irish conflict, "it is no those who inflict the most, but those who suffer the most who will conquer." The people of Northern Ireland are tired of wakes and funerals. It is time for peace. The political leaders of the many radical fraction groups must start doing what is best for the country and its people, both Protestant and Catholic, and not what looks best in their own parochial worldview. Peace now seems questionable. Time will tell if Ireland can be a peaceful nation once again.
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