Navigation and Logbooks in the Age of Sail
About the Presenter:![]() |
Peter Reaveley is an English expatriate presently living in Florida, who grew up in Yorkshire, England, near Flamborough Head, the site of the great battle between Bonhomme Richard and Serapis. After a lifetime in the aviation industry, Peter retired in 2001 to devote all of his time to his 40-year quest to find the remains of the Bonhomme Richard. Peter has collected more than 30 eyewitness accounts of the battle and its aftermath written by officers and men on the ships and people onshore. He has collaborated with the French naval historian Jean Boudriot on the book "John Paul Jones and Bonhomme Richard" and written the chapter describing the battle with Serapis. The book is still the standard reference work on the ship and the battle. For the past five years Peter has served as historical researcher to the Ocean Technology Foundation and the Underwater Archaeology Branch of the U.S. Naval History and Heritage Command, in this joint project to locate the remains of the Bonhomme Richard. |
Compare the methods and instruments used in 18th century deep-sea and coastal navigation
Interpret the entries in an 18th century ship's Log Book
Discuss the concept of magnetic variation and its importance to navigation
Explain how historical log books could be used in the search for the Bonhomme Richard
Captain John Paul Jones left the French port of L'Orient on Saturday, August 14, 1779 in the Bonhomme Richard. He sailed around the British Isles, and encountered and defeated HMS Serapis on Thursday evening, September 23, 1779. Bonhomme Richard sank 36 hours later on Saturday morning, September 25, 1779. Jones sailed off in the Serapis, reaching Texel, Holland on Saturday, October 2. How did Jones, and the British seeking to find him after the battle, navigate and record their tracks, and can these ship logs provide clues about most probable sinking position for the Bonhomme Richard?
In order to interpret these logs, an understanding of navigation methods and equipment in the Age of Sail is required.• The logbook for the Bonhomme Richard covers the period before the battle with Serapis, but goes no farther. The original manuscript of the log was lost in a fire in 1940, but fortunately the log was type scripted prior to the fire.
• The logbook for the Serapis, under American control after the battle, covers the period from just after the sinking of the Bonhomme Richard until Serapis arrived at Texel, Holland. This might allow us to determine the ship’s course by working backward from the Texel to the Bonhomme Richard’s sinking almost a week prior.
• The logbooks from the fleet of British warships that pursued Jones in the days following the battle might offer constraints as to where Jones could not have been, since the British were unsuccessful in sighting or capturing him.
Figure 1a. A 1794 navigation chart showing soundings and landmarks near Flamborough Head.
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Figure 1b. Enlargement showing the lighthouse on Flamborough Head, soundings, and the shoal in Bridlington Bay. |
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Figure 2. A "sounding-lead." Image: P. Reaveley |
The coastal chart could be supplemented by even more details in the
annually-published, “Coasting Pilot” for that area, which would provide
highly detailed information on buoys, marks in channels, and the
best approaches to harbors to remain clear of shoals.
Let us take a coastal voyage between two ports. The correct title for the Captain of a merchant ship was
“Master,” as in “Master Mariner,” but in practice the courtesy term “Captain”
was used. On merchant ships, the Master-Captain and his First Mate were
responsible for navigating the ship. The Captain of a ship-of-war, although
theoretically responsible for navigation, usually delegated this to his “Sailing
Master”, shortened to “Master.” The Sailing Master (today's Navigation Officer) ranked as an officer and
messed with them in the wardroom. The Captain and the other naval officers could navigate,
but did not see it as their primary duty.
As the ship proceeded the Master or Master’s Mate would take regular bearings on
passing landmarks with a “bearing compass,” which was a simple, portable,
wood-box compass fitted with two thin brass vanes (Figure
7). The Master would enter into his log book the time, the name of the
landmark, and the compass bearing. He would then apply magnetic variation to
derive the bearing of the landmark with respect to true north, the
reference used on all charts. The reciprocal of this true bearing was a
position-line, which would be drawn on the chart in pencil from the landmark out
to sea. The ship lay somewhere along this position-line at the time the bearing
was taken. In theory, the Master would then take a bearing on another landmark,
repeat the procedure, and the intersection of the two position-lines would be
the position of the ship (sailing ships typically made only 6 knots to 7 knots,
so plenty of time was available to perform these simple calculations).
In practice, Masters rarely took two bearings, since all officers could estimate
distance offshore fairly accurately using the formula: “the observer’s horizon
in nautical miles equals the square root of the observer’s height in feet above
sea level multiplied by 1.17.” In practice, seamen used a multiplication factor
of 1.2. The Master standing on the quarterdeck 25 feet above sea level had a
horizon of √ 25 x 1.2 = 6 miles, and could clearly see the waterline of a passing
ship, or breakers along the coastline at this distance. A 100-foot high steeple
or lighthouse would add: √ 100 = 10 x 1.2 = 12 miles for a total of 18 miles, or
even farther if the church or lighthouse was on higher ground.
However, the Master would need to identify the landmark, so he would need to see
at least a part of it. He would estimate distances as 12 to 15 miles, or
15 to 18 miles offshore, depending upon the height of the landmark and would
record these distances as “4 to 5 leagues,” or “5 to 6 leagues,” a "league"
being 3 nautical miles. The Master would then simply mark off on his plotted
position-line the estimated distance, which he could measure with his dividers
from the vertical latitude scale at the sides of the chart, since one minute of
latitude equals 1 nautical mile. This simple “bearing and distance”
position-fixing would be repeated every hour if possible and the results entered
into the log book (Figure 3), and the positions plotted on the chart.
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Figure 3. Page from the log of Winchelsea, part of the British squadron trying to overtake John Paul Jones after the Battle of Flamborough Head. |
The Ship’s Log
The ship’s log, or "journal" was the daily record of the ship’s course, speed,
and significant events. The log was a large hard-cover book, about 11” x 17”, since each
page had to contain a lot of information vital to the ship’s safety. A typical
ship’s log was ruled in vertical columns on each page (Figure 4).
Figure 4. Excerpt from the log of Bonhomme Richard. Source: National Archives |
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Figure 5. A Mariner’s compass. Image: P. Reaveley
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Table 1. Beaufort Scale
Seaman’s Description |
Wind Velocity |
Beaufort Scale |
Light breeze |
7-10 kts |
3 |
Moderate breeze |
11-16 kts |
4 |
Fresh breeze |
17-21 kts |
5 |
Strong breeze |
22-27 kts |
6 |
The wind strength and its trends were very
important, since as wind velocity increases the strength of the wind increases
almost as the square of the wind velocity. The winds at the height of the top-sails
and top-gallant sails 100 feet to 150 feet above the sea would be up to 10 knots
stronger than the wind at sea level. This is the reason a ship’s sails are made
smaller in area higher on the masts (Figure 6).
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Figure 6. The Bonhomme Richard under sail. Note the smaller sails on the higher parts of the mast. Image: William Gilkerson
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The “Remarks” column also included any significant sail changes and
significant events. If Magnetic Variation or windage leeway had been specifically
observed, these values also would be recorded.
We can now readily interpret this section of the ship’s log, type scripted
from Figure 4:
Thursday, 19th August 1779 |
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H |
K |
HK |
F |
Courses |
Winds |
Remarks |
1 |
4 |
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NWbN |
SbW |
This day begins with pleasant weather. |
2 |
3 |
1 |
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At 1:00 p.m. on Wednesday, 18th August 1779, the
ship was steering NWbN Compass (326°), with a breeze from SbW Compass
(191°), making 4 knots. Sailing ships of that period generally cruised at 5
to7 knots, and had to take into account winds varying in both strength and
direction. Ships therefore constantly needed to tack, since they could
basically only sail with the wind one point or more abaft of their beam
without losing too much headway and gaining too much leeway, and therefore generally averaged
only approximately 100 miles per 24-hour day in actual “distance-made.”
Deep-Sea Navigation
Deep-sea navigation was used when the ship was sailing out of sight of land.
It relied on accurately recording the ship’s compass course each hour, the
ship’s speed as measured by the log-line, and any significant changes in the
wind which might affect the ship’s leeway due to windage. Windage leeway was
a significant problem since ships had very little keel area, and
would be driven off course downwind by the wind pressure on the
sails and hull. The ship’s course steered by the helmsman was rarely the ship’s actual Course-Made-Good.
Generally speaking, under any given wind conditions a sailing ship made more
leeway at lower speeds than at higher speeds. A ship also made more leeway
with the wind directly on her beam, or with the wind one point either side
of her beam, than with the wind on her quarter. The ship’s leeway could be
observed if a Midshipman or Mate took a Bearing-Compass (Figure 7) to
measure the bearing of the ship’s wake. The reciprocal of that bearing
compared with the ship’s compass course would be its leeway, but there are
very few log entries indicating that this was regularly practiced. Most
Masters probably just estimated leeway from the winds in the log.
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Figure 7. Bearing Compass.
Image: J. Boudriot.
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Let us now briefly describe the Compass used for steering, and
the Log-Line
used for measuring the speed of a ship.
The Compass
The helmsman stood at the ship’s wheel, which was located directly behind the compass binnacle.
The binnacle was a large oak case with a steering compass mounted on either
side, so the helmsman could always see a compass. Under most conditions the
best a helmsman could do would be to steer within one point of a given
course. The center of the binnacle contained a fish-oil lamp, mounted on
gimbals, which illuminated the compasses at night.
The helmsman’s steering compass comprised a single magnetized steel needle
mounted on a compass card engraved with the 32 points of the Mariner’s
Compass (Figure 5). The compass card and pivot were mounted in a gimbaled
wooden box that could oscillate fore and aft, and from side to side (Figure
8).
Figure 8. Steering compass. Like the bearing compass,
this would be mounted in the gimbaled box so the needle
could remain horizontal as the ship heaved and rolled.
Image: J. Boudriot |
The forward face of the inside of the inner wooden box had a thin
black line
painted on a white background to permit the compass to be aligned with the
ship’s keel. The Captain also had an inverted “hanging compass”
mounted on a deck beam on the ceiling of his sleeping cabin, to check on the
ship’s course while he was resting.
The Log-Line
The ship’s headway, or speed through the water, was measured in “knots,” and
the term is derived from the knots located on the log-line which was run out
every hour. This measured the distance the ship had run from a fixed point
in the water during a fixed time, both distance and time being the same relative
fraction of a nautical mile and an hour. For example, 50 feet is 1/120th of a 6,000
foot nautical mile, and 30 seconds is 1/120th of an hour.
The fixed point in the water was a wooden “log-chip” which was approximately
a quarter section of a circle, five to six inches on its straight edges, and ¼"
to ½" thick, and
weighted on its curved edge so that it would sit vertically in the water
relatively motionless. The log-chip, attached to approximately 150 fathoms
of thin line on a reel held by a seaman (Figure 9), was dropped over the
lee side of the stern of the ship every hour. As the line ran out a red rag appeared on
the line, indicating that the log-chip was now more than a ship’s length aft
of the ship, and it should be relatively stationary in the water. The
log-line was now marked with knots every 50 feet of its length. As the red
rag appeared the reel-man shouted “Turn!”, and a seaman holding a 30-second
glass turned the glass. The reel-man then counted the knots as they ran off
the reel. When the seaman holding the 30-second glass saw the glass was
empty, he shouted “Stop!” and the reel-man stopped the reel. The number of
knots run out was then the speed of the ship. Because of its importance, a
Midshipman or Master’s Mate usually supervised this operation.
Figure 9. Log-line, log-chip, and log-reel. Image: P. Reaveley |
In practice, many ships used knots spaced 48 feet apart (8
fathoms), and also used a sand-glass of 28.8 seconds, usually shortened to
28 seconds. Other ships used knots
spaced 42 feet apart (7 fathoms), with a 28-second glass, depending upon the personal preferences
of the Captain or Master.
All officers knew that the log chip was never truly stationary, and that
even a second of error in turning the glass, or shouting “Stop!” could
result in an error in the speed logged. However, the ship’s Course-Made-Good
also was probably only accurate to plus or minus one point of the compass
(11°), so hopefully these errors cancelled out over the length of the
24-hour ship’s day, and during the many weeks or months of long ocean
voyages.
The Noon Position
The hourly entries in the ship’s log were reviewed by the Master shortly
after 12 noon each day, as soon as the noon sighting of the sun had been made.
If you return to Figure 3, the log of the
Winchelsea, at the bottom right of the page you can read "Latitude
Observation 54˚18' N".
By adding together with a simple “traverse table” all
the courses steered (corrected for leeway) and speeds run on each “tack,” the
Master would now have one single value of “Course-Made-Good” and one single
value for “Distance Run.” The Master would then correct this Compass
Course-Made-Good for Magnetic Variation to derive his True "Course Made." The
“Course Made” and “Distance Made” would now form the isosceles of a right-angle
triangle, in which the North-South axis would be the difference in latitude in
miles, and the East-West axis would be difference in longitude in miles (Figure 10).
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Figure 10. How a Master might determine his course. Image: P. Reaveley |
Since he already had the latitude and longitude calculated at 12 noon the
previous day, he only needed to convert miles run N-S and E-W into
degrees and minutes of latitude and longitude, and apply the difference in
latitude, and the "departure," or difference in longitude, to yesterday’s
lat/long position to derive today’s’ lat/long position.
By definition one nautical mile equals one minute of latitude, and 60
nautical miles equals one degree of latitude. The ‘miles difference’ in
latitude was therefore directly the ‘latitude-difference’ made during the
past 24 hours. Thus 93 miles of latitude = 93 minutes of latitude = 1 degree
33 minutes of latitude.
The conversion of ‘miles-run’ E-W into longitude was more complex than the
conversion of latitude N-S due to the
convergence of the meridians towards the poles. One degree of longitude
equals 60 miles at the equator, but only approximately 47 miles at 39˚N at
Annapolis. The Master solved a simple problem in trigonometry by assuming that the ship’s course and distance formed
the hypotenuse of a right-angled triangle. The "miles-difference" east
-west was divided by the cosine of the mid-latitude. Thus, at 39˚ N: 93 miles /
cos(39) (0.70772) = 120' = 2˚ of longitude. A Nautical Table of sines, cosines, and tangents allowed him to perform this
operation, and he could also use his Gunter’s Scale.
The Gunter’s Scale was a one-foot or two-foot-long hard wooden
ruler engraved on one edge with inches and tenths of inches for measuring
(Figure 11). On each side the scale had a set of
finely engraved horizontal lines of logarithms, sines, cosines, tangents and
secants. Using his divider on the relevant scale, the Master could quickly
solve this series of simple trigonometrical problems. The
Gunter’s Scale was the precursor to the slide-rule.
Figure 11. One-foot-long Gunter’s Scale (top) and a close-up version (bottom.) Images: International Slide Rule Museum.
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With the "difference" in latitude, and his "departure," or "difference" in
longitude the Master had now derived today's Dead Reckoning position at 12 noon.
All of the
ship’s officers knew that this “Dead Reckoning” or "D.R." position was just
an estimated position, based upon data of variable quality and basic
trigonometry. It was therefore important to take a sighting of the altitude
of the sun at its zenith above the horizon at local noon, if at all
possible, since this altitude is directly related to the observer’s
latitude. However, he needed to know
the specific date since the earth rotates around the sun on an axis inclined at
approximately 23.5°, and in 1779 the sun was overhead at the equator at the
equinoxes on March 20 and September 23, and over the Tropic of Cancer
(23.5°N) or
Capricorn (23.5°S) at the solstices on June 21 and December 21.
The master would consult the Nautical
Almanac to get the sun-hour-angle for that specific date, and several
correction factors. The Master and all officers would take their noon
sun-sight using a quadrant (Figure 12), the precursor to the sextant, which
was just coming into use at that time. The Master could now compare his
“D.R. Latitude” with his more accurate “Observed Latitude,” and if necessary
correct his D.R. Latitude at the time he plotted it on the chart.
Figure 12.
Quadrant used in 18th century navigation.
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The Master also needed to review his D.R. Longitude. However, because most ships’
officers could not perform the more than one-hour of complex astronomical
navigation calculations required in celestial navigation
using moon-star hour-angles, nor readily identify many of the
several thousand stars then visible in the sky, the astronomical calculation
of “observed longitude” was usually not possible in the 18th century.
An alternative would have been to use the “Equation-of-Time,” based
upon the fact that there are 360° of longitude around the earth, and the
earth rotates on its axis once every 24 hours. Therefore, every hour the
earth rotates 15° of longitude, and every 4 minutes of time equals one degree
of longitude. However, since accurate watches were rare, extremely
expensive, and difficult to keep safe in a sailing ship environment, this
method of determining longitude also was not available. The Master's
longitude derived from his D.R. calculations therefore probably remained
unchanged, and for the next century, after a couple of weeks at sea, most
deep-sea ships had no idea of their
real longitude to within 50 to 100 miles.
We mentioned that the Master needed to correct his compass “Course-Made-Good” from
compass, or magnetic north, into true north to plot the course on his chart.
Magnetic Variation is the angular difference between True North and Magnetic
North, and Variation differs over time at the same location, and is different at
different locations on the earth’s surface. Variation can be significant,
and in the seas around Britain and France in 1779 Magnetic North was 22°
(two points of the compass) west of True North. The simplest method to
determine Magnetic Variation was for the Master to sight Polaris with a
bearing compass, and directly read off the angular difference between True
North and Compass North. He could also use his bearing compass to sight the
angle at which the sun rose in the morning and then set in the evening, and
check those values against that date in the tables in the Nautical Almanac. That would
give him the true bearings of sunrise or sunset for that date, which he could
directly compare with his compass bearings to derive magnetic variation.
“Magnetic Deviation,” or the difference between Compass North and Magnetic
North, was known but not understood. “Deviation” was caused by the natural
magnetic fields of the often several hundred tons of ships’ iron ballast,
cannons, shot, anchors, fixtures and fittings, etc. Since seamen of that
time knew about but did not understand this form of compass variation, they just
included
“deviation” in “variation.” However, the officer of the watch knew that
when the ship was under way he was never to wear his sword or his pistols
near the compass binnacle.
Having derived the ship’s Dead Reckoning position at noon that day the
Master would now prick that position on the chart with his dividers, and join
today's position to the previous day’s position with a pen-line, which
represented the Course-Made and Distance-Made. He would then place today’s date
alongside today’s position at 12-noon as shown in Figure 13.
Figure 13. An illustration of “Course Made” and “Distance Made.” Image: P. Reaveley. |
The Captain could now observe the overall progress of the ship, and knowing
the present wind conditions decide what course to steer to best reach a
position near his destination at the same latitude as his destination. He
would then carefully tack back and forth along this latitude, taking
soundings and maintaining a good lookout until reaching the coast (Figure
14). The
bottom of Figure 3 includes these computations,
which were much more important when the ship was not in sight of a known
landmark.
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Figure 14.
Excerpt from the log of the
Serapis. |
Conclusion
Although thousands of ships were lost at sea in storms, or ran ashore due to
navigation problems, tens of thousands of ships sailed the world for more
than 300 years using latitude, log, lead, and lookout.
As we’ve seen, the logs from the Bonhomme Richard and Serapis
can be very helpful in learning about how the ships were sailed, the crew’s
actions, and each ship’s sailing capabilities. The understandable but
unfortunate lack of log-keeping during the hours immediately after the battle up until the
time the Bonhomme Richard sank only adds to the many challenges of
locating its final resting place.
Glossary:
References
MANUSCRIPTS AND PUBLIC DOCUMENTS
1. A LOG BOOK FOR THE SHIP BON HOMME RICHARD, the Honirable (sic) JOHN PAUL
JONES, Commander, Begun at L' ORIENT, SATURDAY, 8th of May, 1779. Typescript,
National Archives, Washington, D.C. (The original manuscript was destroyed in a
fire at Selkirk House in Scotland in 1940 )
2. A Journall Kept on Board the Serapis, an English Ship of War, of 44 Guns taken
the 23rd.of September, (by the Bon Homme Richard,) now Commanded by the
Honble. John Paul Jones. Manuscript, New York Historical Society, New York.
Typescript," The LOGS of the SERAPIS - ALLIANCE - ARIEL under the command of
JOHN PAUL JONES, 1779 - 1780 " , Barnes, John S., Ed., Naval History Society,
New York, 1911.
3. His Brittanic Majesty's Frigate WINCHELSEA, 32 Guns, Captain Charles Saxton,
Captains Logs, 1779, Admiralty Records, ADM 1 / 2484 , U.K. National Archives,
London.
4. A New Hydrographical Survey of the East Coast of England, Flamborough to
Berwick, Maps Library, Maps 1066 (13 ), 1794, British Library, London.
BOOKS
5. Bathe, Basil W., Ed., " THE VISUAL ENCYCLOPEDIA OF NAUTICAL TERMS UNDER SAIL
" , New York, 1978.
6. Boudriot, Jean, " The Seventy Four Gun Ship ", First published in France in
1977. English edition translated by David Roberts, revised and corrected ,
Staples, Rochester, England, 1988, Volume 2 and Volume 4.
7. Falconer, William, " AN UNIVERSAL DICTIONARY OF THE MARINE ",LONDON,1780,
David and Charles Reprints, Newton Abbot, Devon,1970.
8. Hutchinson, William, " A Treatise on Practical Seamanship ", Liverpool, 1777,
Reprinted, Scolar Press, London, 1979.
9. Kemp, Peter, Ed., " The Oxford Companion to Ships and the Sea ", Oxford
University Press, Oxford, 1976, Reprinted with corrections, 1988.
Last revision 6/22/2010